Well, everyone, we made it through another presidential campaign year! Congratulations to the winners and condolences to the losers and all that. With the election over, we're now in the stage of the airing of grievances and assigning of blame.
It's usually much easier to do this than this year, where the campaign wasn't about big issues. Or as it was put in this fantastic Washington Post piece explaining how Obama won:
The campaign bore almost no resemblance to the expansive one Obama waged in 2008 — by strategic choice and by financial necessity. Without the clear financial advantage it had last time, Obama’s campaign relied more on the tools of micro-marketing than on the oratorical gifts of the nation’s first black president.
Gone were the soaring speeches that clarified Obama’s candidacy four years ago. Instead the president focused on Romney. Meanwhile, his campaign spoke early and often with “persuadable” voters, selected for targeted e-mails and doorstep visits through demographic data unavailable last time.
“We turned a national election into a school-board race,” a second senior Obama campaign official said.
Before the effort to define Romney began, before they even knew for certain Romney would be the opponent, the Obama campaign laid the groundwork for victory in a race that would be won in the margins of a polarized electorate.
The lack of big issues led, perhaps, to an obsession with polls. That obsession continues as journalists look to exit polls for meaning. The New York Times has a great interactive page with election information. It begins with the note:
Most of the nation shifted to the right in Tuesday's vote, but not far enough to secure a win for Mitt Romney.
Weird, right? Most of the nation shifts to the right but the big story is that the right lost. Big time. How to make sense of that? The first thing I might suggest is caution. Whether it's on election night or the first few heady days after, people are desperate to make sense of things. But sometimes it takes a while for actual vote totals to come in or good local data that explain particular elections.
The initial speculation and preliminary evidence was white evangelicals and other conservative Christians might not enthusiastically support Romney, either for theological or other reasons, [University of Akron political scientist John] Green noted. Ultimately, though, exit polls showed nearly eight in 10 white evangelicals supported Romney, an improvement over John McCain’s 73 percent in 2008 and on par with George W. Bush’s 2004 numbers.
Perhaps more interestingly, Romney received less support from his fellow Mormons than allegedly skeptical white evangelicals – although it was just 1 percentage point less.
That's fascinating, no? The evangelical voters increased their support for the GOP candidate in 2012 over 2008 and 2004? And Mormon support was below that of white evangelicals? Crazy! (The piece also has great discussions on the "nones" and why Obama lost seven points among white Catholics -- Green suggests the "religious liberty" issue was a factor.)
But what we also need to know are whether those percentages reflect changes in the actual voters. Meaning, did some evangelicals sit out the election this year? And did Mormons come out to vote more than usual? Both of those things could have happened as well. Or not. We'll have to wait a bit to find that out. Going back to that New York Times map mentioned above, it shows that the country went more Republican everywhere with a few exceptions. One of those areas was the South. Is that partly a religion story? I don't know. (There's some great analysis on these questions here.)
One interesting approach taken by Religion News Service was the piece headlined "What’s next for religious conservatives?" Even though the Romney campaign was laser-focused on the economy at the expense of getting out the vote over social conservatism or other issues Americans care about, the piece suggests that the problem lies with ... social conservatives. It includes lines such as:
The electorate today is increasingly Latino, and younger, and both those groups are turned off by anything that smacks of righteous moralizing.
I only wish that young people were turned off by anything that smacked of righteous moralizing. But the ratings success of Glee would suggest otherwise. As for this claim that Latinos are all turned off by, um, "anything that smacks of righteous moralizing" ... I'm not quite sure how to respond to it. I mean, maybe it's true. Maybe Latinos were turned off of Romney (and the GOP) not because of his comments about self-deportation, or his lack of outreach to them, or this (from ABC/Univision):
Nationally, 74 percent of Latino voters said that Romney did not care about Latinos or was outwardly hostile to them, with a whopping 56 percent believing the latter. Compare that to what Latino voters thought of President Obama: 66 percent said he truly cares about Latinos.
But maybe RNS is right and the failure to crack 35 percent of the Latino vote -- which one analysis says would have changed the outcome of the entire election -- had something to do with social conservatism. Journalistically, though, it would be better to substantiate claims such as this about youth and Latinos rather than just assert it without any evidence.
This was an interesting election and one that, despite how narrowly divided the country is, had some decisive results with serious implications for religious adherents and the issues they care about. But it's always good to proceed with caution when trying to make sense of why voters made the decisions they did.
Note: Please keep comments focused on media coverage as opposed to personal political preferences, etc.
Recriminations image via Shutterstock.